Remarks by Al Gore
May 26, 2004
As Prepared
George W. Bush promised us a foreign policy
with humility. Instead, he has brought us humiliation in the
eyes of the world.
He promised to "restore honor and integrity
to the White House." Instead, he has brought deep dishonor to
our country and built a durable reputation as the most
dishonest President since Richard Nixon.
Honor? He decided not to honor the Geneva
Convention. Just as he would not honor the United Nations,
international treaties, the opinions of our allies, the role
of Congress and the courts, or what Jefferson described as "a
decent respect for the opinion of mankind." He did not honor
the advice, experience and judgment of our military leaders in
designing his invasion of Iraq. And now he will not honor our
fallen dead by attending any funerals or even by permitting
photos of their flag-draped coffins.
How did we get from September 12th , 2001,
when a leading French newspaper ran a giant headline with the
words "We Are All Americans Now" and when we had the good will
and empathy of all the world -- to the horror that we all felt
in witnessing the pictures of torture in Abu Ghraib.
To begin with, from its earliest days in
power, this administration sought to radically destroy the
foreign policy consensus that had guided America since the end
of World War II. The long successful strategy of containment
was abandoned in favor of the new strategy of "preemption."
And what they meant by preemption was not the inherent right
of any nation to act preemptively against an imminent threat
to its national security, but rather an exotic new approach
that asserted a unique and unilateral U.S. right to ignore
international law wherever it wished to do so and take
military action against any nation, even in circumstances
where there was no imminent threat. All that is required, in
the view of Bush's team is the mere assertion of a possible,
future threat - and the assertion need be made by only one
person, the President.
More disturbing still was their frequent use
of the word "dominance" to describe their strategic goal,
because an American policy of dominance is as repugnant to the
rest of the world as the ugly dominance of the helpless, naked
Iraqi prisoners has been to the American people. Dominance is
as dominance does.
Dominance is not really a strategic policy
or political philosophy at all. It is a seductive illusion
that tempts the powerful to satiate their hunger for more
power still by striking a Faustian bargain. And as always
happens - sooner or later - to those who shake hands with the
devil, they find out too late that what they have given up in
the bargain is their soul.
One of the clearest indications of the
impending loss of intimacy with one's soul is the failure to
recognize the existence of a soul in those over whom power is
exercised, especially if the helpless come to be treated as
animals, and degraded. We also know - and not just from De
Sade and Freud - the psychological proximity between sexual
depravity and other people's pain. It has been especially
shocking and awful to see these paired evils perpetrated so
crudely and cruelly in the name of America.
Those pictures of torture and sexual abuse
came to us embedded in a wave of news about escalating
casualties and growing chaos enveloping our entire policy in
Iraq. But in order understand the failure of our overall
policy, it is important to focus specifically on what happened
in the Abu Ghraib prison, and ask whether or not those actions
were representative of who we are as Americans? Obviously the
quick answer is no, but unfortunately it's more complicated
than that.
There is good and evil in every person. And
what makes the United States special in the history of nations
is our commitment to the rule of law and our carefully
constructed system of checks and balances. Our natural
distrust of concentrated power and our devotion to openness
and democracy are what have lead us as a people to
consistently choose good over evil in our collective
aspirations more than the people any other nation.
Our founders were insightful students of
human nature. They feared the abuse of power because they
understood that every human being has not only "better angels"
in his nature, but also an innate vulnerability to temptation
- especially the temptation to abuse power over others.
Our founders understood full well that a
system of checks and balances is needed in our constitution
because every human being lives with an internal system of
checks and balances that cannot be relied upon to produce
virtue if they are allowed to attain an unhealthy degree of
power over their fellow citizens.
Listen then to the balance of internal
impulses described by specialist Charles Graner when
confronted by one of his colleagues, Specialist Joseph M.
Darby, who later became a courageous whistleblower. When Darby
asked him to explain his actions documented in the photos,
Graner replied: "The Christian in me says it's wrong, but the
Corrections Officer says, 'I love to make a groan man piss on
himself."
What happened at the prison, it is now
clear, was not the result of random acts by "a few bad
apples," it was the natural consequence of the Bush
Administration policy that has dismantled those wise
constraints and has made war on America's checks and balances.
The abuse of the prisoners at Abu Ghraib
flowed directly from the abuse of the truth that characterized
the Administration's march to war and the abuse of the trust
that had been placed in President Bush by the American people
in the aftermath of September 11th.
There was then, there is now and there would
have been regardless of what Bush did, a threat of terrorism
that we would have to deal with. But instead of making it
better, he has made it infinitely worse. We are less safe
because of his policies. He has created more anger and
righteous indignation against us as Americans than any leader
of our country in the 228 years of our existence as a nation
-- because of his attitude of contempt for any person,
institution or nation who disagrees with him.
He has exposed Americans abroad and
Americans in every U.S. town and city to a greater danger of
attack by terrorists because of his arrogance, willfulness,
and bungling at stirring up hornet's nests that pose no threat
whatsoever to us. And by then insulting the religion and
culture and tradition of people in other countries. And by
pursuing policies that have resulted in the deaths of
thousands of innocent men, women and children, all of it done
in our name.
President Bush said in his speech Monday
night that the war in Iraq is "the central front in the war on
terror." It's not the central front in the war on terror, but
it has unfortunately become the central recruiting office for
terrorists. [Dick Cheney said, "This war may last the rest of
our lives.] The unpleasant truth is that President Bush's
utter incompetence has made the world a far more dangerous
place and dramatically increased the threat of terrorism
against the United States. Just yesterday, the International
Institute of Strategic Studies reported that the Iraq conflict
" has arguable focused the energies and resources of Al Qaeda
and its followers while diluting those of the global
counterterrorism coalition." The ISS said that in the wake of
the war in Iraq Al Qaeda now has more than 18,000 potential
terrorists scattered around the world and the war in Iraq is
swelling its ranks.
The war plan was incompetent in its
rejection of the advice from military professionals and the
analysis of the intelligence was incompetent in its conclusion
that our soldiers would be welcomed with garlands of flowers
and cheering crowds. Thus we would not need to respect the
so-called Powell doctrine of overwhelming force.
There was also in Rumsfeld's planning a
failure to provide security for nuclear materials, and to
prevent widespread lawlessness and looting.
Luckily, there was a high level of
competence on the part of our soldiers even though they were
denied the tools and the numbers they needed for their
mission. What a disgrace that their families have to hold bake
sales to buy discarded Kevlar vests to stuff into the
floorboards of the Humvees! Bake sales for body armor.
And the worst still lies ahead. General
Joseph Hoar, the former head of the Marine Corps, said "I
believe we are absolutely on the brink of failure. We are
looking into the abyss."
When a senior, respected military leader
like Joe Hoar uses the word "abyss", then the rest of us damn
well better listen. Here is what he means: more American
soldiers dying, Iraq slipping into worse chaos and violence,
no end in sight, with our influence and moral authority
seriously damaged.
Retired Marine Corps General Anthony Zinni,
who headed Central Command before becoming President Bush's
personal emissary to the Middle East, said recently that our
nation's current course is "headed over Niagara Falls."
The Commander of the 82nd Airborne Division,
Army Major General Charles H. Swannack, Jr., asked by the
Washington Post whether he believes the United States is
losing the war in Iraq, replied, "I think strategically, we
are." Army Colonel Paul Hughes, who directed strategic
planning for the US occupation authority in Baghdad, compared
what he sees in Iraq to the Vietnam War, in which he lost his
brother: "I promised myself when I came on active duty that I
would do everything in my power to prevent that ... from
happening again. " Noting that Vietnam featured a pattern of
winning battles while losing the war, Hughes added "unless we
ensure that we have coherence in our policy, we will lose
strategically."
The White House spokesman, Dan Bartlett was
asked on live television about these scathing condemnations by
Generals involved in the highest levels of Pentagon planning
and he replied, "Well they're retired, and we take our advice
from active duty officers."
But amazingly, even active duty military
officers are speaking out against President Bush. For example,
the Washington Post quoted an unnamed senior General at the
Pentagon as saying, " the current OSD (Office of the Secretary
of Defense) refused to listen or adhere to military advice."
Rarely if ever in American history have uniformed commanders
felt compelled to challenge their commander in chief in
public.
The Post also quoted an unnamed general as
saying, "Like a lot of senior Army guys I'm quite angry" with
Rumsfeld and the rest of the Bush Administration. He listed
two reasons. "I think they are going to break the Army," he
said, adding that what really incites him is "I don't think
they care."
In his upcoming book, Zinni blames the
current catastrophe on the Bush team's incompetence early on.
"In the lead-up to the Iraq war, and its later conduct," he
writes, "I saw at a minimum, true dereliction, negligence and
irresponsibility, at worst, lying, incompetence and
corruption."
Zinni's book will join a growing library of
volumes by former advisors to Bush -- including his principal
advisor on terrorism, Richard Clarke; his principal economic
policy advisor, former Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill, former
Ambassador Joe Wilson, who was honored by Bush's father for
his service in Iraq, and his former Domestic Adviser on
faith-based organizations, John Dilulio, who said, "There is
no precedent in any modern White House for what is going on in
this one: a complete lack of a policy apparatus. What you've
got is everything, and I mean everything, run by the political
arm. It's the reign of the Mayberry Machiavellis."
Army Chief of Staff General Eric Shinseki
told Congress in February that the occupation could require
"several hundred thousand troops." But because Rumsfeld and
Bush did not want to hear disagreement with their view that
Iraq could be invaded at a much lower cost, Shinseki was
hushed and then forced out.
And as a direct result of this incompetent
plan and inadequate troop strength, young soldiers were put in
an untenable position. For example, young reservists assigned
to the Iraqi prisons were called up without training or
adequate supervision, and were instructed by their superiors
to "break down" prisoners in order to prepare them for
interrogation.
To make matters worse, they were placed in a
confusing situation where the chain of command was criss-crossed
between intelligence gathering and prison administration, and
further confused by an unprecedented mixing of military and
civilian contractor authority.
The soldiers who are accused of committing
these atrocities are, of course, responsible for their own
actions and if found guilty, must be severely and
appropriately punished. But they are not the ones primarily
responsible for the disgrace that has been brought upon the
United States of America.
Private Lynndie England did not make the
decision that the United States would not observe the Geneva
Convention. Specialist Charles Graner was not the one who
approved a policy of establishing an American Gulag of dark
rooms with naked prisoners to be "stressed" and even - we must
use the word - tortured - to force them to say things that
legal procedures might not induce them to say.
These policies were designed and insisted
upon by the Bush White House. Indeed, the President's own
legal counsel advised him specifically on the subject. His
secretary of defense and his assistants pushed these cruel
departures from historic American standards over the
objections of the uniformed military, just as the Judge
Advocates General within the Defense Department were so upset
and opposed that they took the unprecedented step of seeking
help from a private lawyer in this city who specializes in
human rights and said to him, "There is a calculated effort to
create an atmosphere of legal ambiguity" where the
mistreatment of prisoners is concerned."
Indeed, the secrecy of the program indicates
an understanding that the regular military culture and mores
would not support these activities and neither would the
American public or the world community. Another implicit
acknowledgement of violations of accepted standards of
behavior is the process of farming out prisoners to countries
less averse to torture and giving assignments to private
contractors
President Bush set the tone for our attitude
for suspects in his State of the Union address. He noted that
more than 3,000 "suspected terrorists" had been arrested in
many countries and then he added, "and many others have met a
different fate. Let's put it this way: they are no longer a
problem to the United States and our allies."
George Bush promised to change the tone in
Washington. And indeed he did. As many as 37 prisoners may
have been murdered while in captivity, though the numbers are
difficult to rely upon because in many cases involving violent
death, there were no autopsies.
How dare they blame their misdeeds on
enlisted personnel from a Reserve unit in upstate New York.
President Bush owes more than one apology. On the list of
those he let down are the young soldiers who are themselves
apparently culpable, but who were clearly put into a moral
cesspool. The perpetrators as well as the victims were both
placed in their relationship to one another by the policies of
George W. Bush.
How dare the incompetent and willful members
of this Bush/Cheney Administration humiliate our nation and
our people in the eyes of the world and in the conscience of
our own people. How dare they subject us to such dishonor and
disgrace. How dare they drag the good name of the United
States of America through the mud of Saddam Hussein's torture
prison.
David Kay concluded his search for weapons
of mass destruction in Iraq with the famous verdict: "we were
all wrong." And for many Americans, Kay's statement seemed to
symbolize the awful collision between Reality and all of the
false and fading impressions President Bush had fostered in
building support for his policy of going to war.
Now the White House has informed the
American people that they were also "all wrong" about their
decision to place their faith in Ahmed Chalabi, even though
they have paid him 340,000 dollars per month. 33 million
dollars (CHECK) and placed him adjacent to Laura Bush at the
State of the Union address. Chalabi had been convicted of
fraud and embezzling 70 million dollars in public funds from a
Jordanian bank, and escaped prison by fleeing the country. But
in spite of that record, he had become one of key advisors to
the Bush Administration on planning and promoting the War
against Iraq.
And they repeatedly cited him as an
authority, perhaps even a future president of Iraq.
Incredibly, they even ferried him and his private army into
Baghdad in advance of anyone else, and allowed him to seize
control over Saddam's secret papers.
Now they are telling the American people
that he is a spy for Iran who has been duping the President of
the United States for all these years.
One of the Generals in charge of this war
policy went on a speaking tour in his spare time to declare
before evangelical groups that the US is in a holy war as
"Christian Nation battling Satan." This same General Boykin
was the person who ordered the officer who was in charge of
the detainees in Guantanamo Bay to extend his methods to Iraq
detainees, prisoners. ... The testimony from the prisoners is
that they were forced to curse their religion Bush used the
word "crusade" early on in the war against Iraq, and then
commentators pointed out that it was singularly inappropriate
because of the history and sensitivity of the Muslim world and
then a few weeks later he used it again.
"We are now being viewed as the modern
Crusaders, as the modern colonial power in this part of the
world," Zinni said.
What a terrible irony that our country,
which was founded by refugees seeking religious freedom -
coming to America to escape domineering leaders who tried to
get them to renounce their religion - would now be responsible
for this kind of abuse..
Ameen Saeed al-Sheikh told the Washington
Post that he was tortured and ordered to denounce Islam and
after his leg was broken one of his torturers started hitting
it while ordering him to curse Islam and then, " they ordered
me to thank Jesus that I'm alive." Others reported that they
were forced to eat pork and drink alcohol.
In my religious tradition, I have been
taught that "ye shall know them by their fruits. Do men gather
grapes of thorns, or figs of thistles? Even so, every good
tree bringeth forth good fruit; but a corrupt tree bringeth
forth evil fruit... Wherefore by their fruits ye shall know
them."
The President convinced a majority of the
country that Saddam Hussein was responsible for attacking us
on September 11th. But in truth he had nothing whatsoever to
do with it. The President convinced the country with a mixture
of forged documents and blatantly false assertions that Saddam
was in league with Al Qaeda, and that he was
"indistinguishable" from Osama bin Laden.
He asked the nation , in his State of the
Union address, to "imagine" how terrified we should be that
Saddam was about to give nuclear weapons to terrorists and
stated repeatedly that Iraq posed a grave and gathering threat
to our nation. He planted the seeds of war, and harvested a
whirlwind. And now, the "corrupt tree" of a war waged on false
premises has brought us the "evil fruit" of Americans
torturing and humiliating prisoners.
In my opinion, John Kerry is dealing with
this unfolding tragedy in an impressive and extremely
responsible way. Our nation's best interest lies in having a
new president who can turn a new page, sweep clean with a new
broom, and take office on January 20th of next year with the
ability to make a fresh assessment of exactly what our
nation's strategic position is as of the time the reigns of
power are finally wrested from the group of incompetents that
created this catastrophe.
Kerry should not tie his own hands by
offering overly specific, detailed proposals concerning a
situation that is rapidly changing and unfortunately, rapidly
deteriorating, but should rather preserve his, and our
country's, options, to retrieve our national honor as soon as
this long national nightmare is over.
Eisenhower did not propose a five-point plan
for changing America's approach to the Korean War when he was
running for president in 1952.
When a business enterprise finds itself in
deep trouble that is linked to the failed policies of the
current CEO the board of directors and stockholders usually
say to the failed CEO, "Thank you very much, but we're going
to replace you now with a new CEO -- one less vested in a
stubborn insistence on staying the course, even if that course
is, in the words of General Zinni, "Headed over Niagara
Falls."
One of the strengths of democracy is the
ability of the people to regularly demand changes in
leadership and to fire a failing leader and hire a new one
with the promise of hopeful change. That is the real solution
to America's quagmire in Iraq. But, I am keenly aware that we
have seven months and twenty five days remaining in this
president's current term of office and that represents a time
of dangerous vulnerability for our country because of the
demonstrated incompetence and recklessness of the current
administration.
It is therefore essential that even as we
focus on the fateful choice, the voters must make this
November that we simultaneously search for ways to sharply
reduce the extraordinary danger that we face with the current
leadership team in place. It is for that reason that I am
calling today for Republicans as well as Democrats to join me
in asking for the immediate resignations of those immediately
below George Bush and Dick Cheney who are most responsible for
creating the catastrophe that we are facing in Iraq.
We desperately need a national security team
with at least minimal competence because the current team is
making things worse with each passing day. They are
endangering the lives of our soldiers, and sharply increasing
the danger faced by American citizens everywhere in the world,
including here at home. They are enraging hundreds of millions
of people and embittering an entire generation of
anti-Americans whose rage is already near the boiling point.
We simply cannot afford to further increase
the risk to our country with more blunders by this team.
Donald Rumsfeld, as the chief architect of the war plan,
should resign today. His deputies Paul Wolfowitz, Douglas
Feith and his intelligence chief Stephen Cambone should also
resign. The nation is especially at risk every single day that
Rumsfeld remains as Secretary of Defense.
Condoleeza Rice, who has badly mishandled
the coordination of national security policy, should also
resign immediately.
George Tenet should also resign. I want to
offer a special word about George Tenet, because he is a
personal friend and I know him to be a good and decent man. It
is especially painful to call for his resignation, but I have
regretfully concluded that it is extremely important that our
country have new leadership at the CIA immediately.
As a nation, our greatest export has always
been hope: hope that through the rule of law people can be
free to pursue their dreams, that democracy can supplant
repression and that justice, not power, will be the guiding
force in society. Our moral authority in the world derived
from the hope anchored in the rule of law. With this blatant
failure of the rule of law from the very agents of our
government, we face a great challenge in restoring our moral
authority in the world and demonstrating our commitment to
bringing a better life to our global neighbors.
During Ronald Reagan's Presidency, Secretary
of Labor Ray Donovan was accused of corruption, but
eventually, after a lot of publicity, the indictment was
thrown out by the Judge. Donovan asked the question, "Where do
I go to get my reputation back?" President Bush has now placed
the United States of America in the same situation. Where do
we go to get our good name back?
The answer is, we go where we always go when
a dramatic change is needed. We go to the ballot box, and we
make it clear to the rest of the world that what's been
happening in America for the last four years, and what America
has been doing in Iraq for the last two years, really is not
who we are. We, as a people, at least the overwhelming
majority of us, do not endorse the decision to dishonor the
Geneva Convention and the Bill of Rights....
Make no mistake, the damage done at Abu
Ghraib is not only to America's reputation and America's
strategic interests, but also to America's spirit. It is also
crucial for our nation to recognize - and to recognize quickly
- that the damage our nation has suffered in the world is far,
far more serious than President Bush's belated and tepid
response would lead people to believe. Remember how shocked
each of us, individually, was when we first saw those hideous
images. The natural tendency was to first recoil from the
images, and then to assume that they represented a strange and
rare aberration that resulted from a few twisted minds or, as
the Pentagon assured us, "a few bad apples."
But as today's shocking news reaffirms yet
again, this was not rare. It was not an aberration. Today's
New York Times reports that an Army survey of prisoner deaths
and mistreatment in Iraq and Afghanisatan "show a widespread
pattern of abuse involving more military units than previously
known.'
Nor did these abuses spring from a few
twisted minds at the lowest ranks of our military enlisted
personnel. No, it came from twisted values and atrocious
policies at the highest levels of our government. This was
done in our name, by our leaders.
These horrors were the predictable
consequence of policy choices that flowed directly from this
administration's contempt for the rule of law. And the
dominance they have been seeking is truly not simply unworthy
of America - it is also an illusory goal in its own right.
Our world is unconquerable because the human
spirit is unconquerable, and any national strategy based on
pursuing the goal of domination is doomed to fail because it
generates its own opposition, and in the process, creates
enemies for the would-be dominator.
A policy based on domination of the rest of
the world not only creates enemies for the United States and
creates recruits for Al Qaeda, it also undermines the
international cooperation that is essential to defeating the
efforts of terrorists who wish harm and intimidate Americans.
Unilateralism, as we have painfully seen in
Iraq, is its own reward. Going it alone may satisfy a
political instinct but it is dangerous to our military, even
without their Commander in Chief taunting terrorists to "bring
it on."
Our troops are stretched thin and exhausted
not only because Secretary Rumsfeld contemptuously dismissed
the advice of military leaders on the size of the needed force
- but also because President Bush's contempt for traditional
allies and international opinion left us without a real
coalition to share the military and financial burden of the
war and the occupation. Our future is dependent upon
increasing cooperation and interdependence in a world tied
ever more closely together by technologies of communications
and travel. The emergence of a truly global civilization has
been accompanied by the recognition of truly global challenges
that require global responses that, as often as not, can only
be led by the United States - and only if the United States
restores and maintains its moral authority to lead.
Make no mistake, it is precisely our moral
authority that is our greatest source of strength, and it is
precisely our moral authority that has been recklessly put at
risk by the cheap calculations and mean compromises of
conscience wagered with history by this willful president.
Listen to the way Israel's highest court
dealt with a similar question when, in 1999, it was asked to
balance due process rights against dire threats to the
security of its people:
"This is the destiny of democracy, as not
all means are acceptable to it, and not all practices employed
by its enemies are open before it. Although a democracy must
often fight with one hand tied behind its back, it nonetheless
has the upper hand. Preserving the Rule of Law and recognition
of an individual's liberty constitutes an important component
in its understanding of security. At the end of the day they
(add to) its strength."
The last and best description of America's
meaning in the world is still the definitive formulation of
Lincoln's annual message to Congress on December 1, 1862:
"The occasion is piled high with difficulty,
and we must rise - with the occasion. As our case is new, so
we must think anew, and act anew. We must disenthrall
ourselves, and then we shall save our country. Fellow
citizens, we cannot escape history...the fiery trial through
which we pass will light us down in honor or dishonor to the
latest generation...We shall nobly save, or meanly lose the
last best hope of earth...The way is plain, peaceful,
generous, just - a way which, if followed, the world will
forever applaud, and God must forever bless."
It is now clear that their obscene abuses of
the truth and their unforgivable abuse of the trust placed in
them after 9/11 by the American people led directly to the
abuses of the prisoners in Abu Ghraib prison and, we are now
learning, in many other similar facilities constructed as part
of Bush's Gulag, in which, according to the Red Cross, 70 to
90 percent of the victims are totally innocent of any
wrongdoing.
The same dark spirit of domination has led
them to - for the first time in American history - imprison
American citizens with no charges, no right to see a lawyer,
no right to notify their family, no right to know of what they
are accused, and no right to gain access to any court to
present an appeal of any sort. The Bush Admistration has even
acquired the power to compel librarians to tell them what any
American is reading, and to compel them to keep silent about
the request - or else the librarians themselves can also be
imprisoned.
They have launched an unprecedented assault
on civil liberties, on the right of the courts to review their
actions, on the right of the Congress to have information to
how they are spending the public's money and the right of the
news media to have information about the policies they are
pursuing.
The same pattern characterizes virtually all
of their policies. They resent any constraint as an insult to
their will to dominate and exercise power. Their appetite for
power is astonishing. It has led them to introduce a new level
of viciousness in partisan politics. It is that viciousness
that led them to attack as unpatriotic, Senator Max Cleland,
who lost three limbs in combat during the Vietnam War.
The president episodically poses as a healer
and "uniter". If he president really has any desire to play
that role, then I call upon him to condemn Rush Limbaugh -
perhaps his strongest political supporter - who said that the
torture in Abu Ghraib was a "brilliant maneuver" and that the
photos were "good old American pornography," and that the
actions portrayed were simply those of "people having a good
time and needing to blow off steam."
This new political viciousness by the
President and his supporters is found not only on the campaign
trail, but in the daily operations of our democracy. They have
insisted that the leaders of their party in the Congress deny
Democrats any meaningful role whatsoever in shaping
legislation, debating the choices before us as a people, or
even to attend the all-important conference committees that
reconcile the differences between actions by the Senate and
House of Representatives.
The same meanness of spirit shows up in
domestic policies as well. Under the Patriot Act, Muslims,
innocent of any crime, were picked up, often physically
abused, and held incommunicado indefinitely. What happened in
Abu Ghraib was difference not of kind, but of degree.
Differences of degree are important when the
subject is torture. The apologists for what has happened do
have points that should be heard and clearly understood. It is
a fact that every culture and every politics sometimes
expresses itself in cruelty. It is also undeniably true that
other countries have and do torture more routinely, and far
more brutally, than ours has. George Orwell once characterized
life in Stalin's Russia as "a boot stamping on a human face
forever." That was the ultimate culture of cruelty, so
ingrained, so organic, so systematic that everyone in it lived
in terror, even the terrorizers. And that was the nature and
degree of state cruelty in Saddam Hussein's Iraq.
We all know these things, and we need not
reassure ourselves and should not congratulate ourselves that
our society is less cruel than some others, although it is
worth noting that there are many that are less cruel than
ours. And this searing revelation at Abu Ghraib should lead us
to examine more thoroughly the routine horrors in our domestic
prison system.
But what we do now, in reaction to Abu
Ghraib will determine a great deal about who we are at the
beginning of the 21st century. It is important to note that
just as the abuses of the prisoners flowed directly from the
policies of the Bush White House, those policies flowed not
only from the instincts of the president and his advisors, but
found support in shifting attitudes on the part of some in our
country in response to the outrage and fear generated by the
attack of September 11th.
The president exploited and fanned those
fears, but some otherwise sensible and levelheaded Americans
fed them as well. I remember reading genteel-sounding essays
asking publicly whether or not the prohibitions against
torture were any longer relevant or desirable. The same
grotesque misunderstanding of what is really involved was
responsible for the tone in the memo from the president's
legal advisor, Alberto Gonzalez, who wrote on January 25,
2002, that 9/11 "renders obsolete Geneva's strict limitations
on questioning of enemy prisoners and renders quaint some of
its provisions."
We have seen the pictures. We have learned
the news. We cannot unlearn it; it is part of us. The
important question now is, what will we do now about torture.
Stop it? Yes, of course. But that means demanding all of the
facts, not covering them up, as some now charge the
administration is now doing. One of the whistleblowers at Abu
Ghraib, Sergeant Samuel Provance, told ABC News a few days ago
that he was being intimidated and punished for telling the
truth. "There is definitely a coverup," Provance said. "I feel
like I am being punished for being honest."
The abhorrent acts in the prison were a
direct consequence of the culture of impunity encouraged,
authorized and instituted by Bush and Rumsfeld in their
statements that the Geneva Conventions did not apply. The
apparent war crimes that took place were the logical,
inevitable outcome of policies and statements from the
administration.
To me, as glaring as the evidence of this in
the pictures themselves was the revelation that it was
established practice for prisoners to be moved around during
ICRC visits so that they would not be available for visits.
That, no one can claim, was the act of individuals. That was
policy set from above with the direct intention to violate US
values it was to be upholding. It was the kind of policy we
see - and criticize in places like China and Cuba.
Moreover, the administration has also set up
the men and women of our own armed forces for payback the next
time they are held as prisoners. And for that, this
administration should pay a very high price. One of the most
tragic consequences of these official crimes is that it will
be very hard for any of us as Americans - at least for a very
long time - to effectively stand up for human rights elsewhere
and criticize other governments, when our policies have
resulted in our soldiers behaving so monstrously. This
administration has shamed America and deeply damaged the cause
of freedom and human rights everywhere, thus undermining the
core message of America to the world.
President Bush offered a brief and
half-hearted apology to the Arab world - but he should
apologize to the American people for abandoning the Geneva
Conventions. He also owes an apology to the U.S. Army for
cavalierly sending them into harm's way while ignoring the
best advice of their commanders. Perhaps most importantly of
all, he should apologize to all those men and women throughout
our world who have held the ideal of the United States of
America as a shining goal, to inspire their hopeful efforts to
bring about justice under a rule of law in their own lands. Of
course, the problem with all these legitimate requests is that
a sincere apology requires an admission of error, a
willingness to accept responsibility and to hold people
accountable. And President Bush is not only unwilling to
acknowledge error. He has thus far been unwilling to hold
anyone in his administration accountable for the worst
strategic and military miscalculations and mistakes in the
history of the United States of America.
He is willing only to apologize for the
alleged erratic behavior of a few low-ranking enlisted people,
who he is scapegoating for his policy fiasco.
In December of 2000, even though I strongly
disagreed with the decision by the U.S. Supreme Court to order
a halt to the counting of legally cast ballots, I saw it as my
duty to reaffirm my own strong belief that we are a nation of
laws and not only accept the decision, but do what I could to
prevent efforts to delegitimize George Bush as he took the
oath of office as president.
I did not at that moment imagine that Bush
would, in the presidency that ensued, demonstrate utter
contempt for the rule of law and work at every turn to
frustrate accountability...
So today, I want to speak on behalf of those
Americans who feel that President Bush has betrayed our
nation's trust, those who are horrified at what has been done
in our name, and all those who want the rest of the world to
know that we Americans see the abuses that occurred in the
prisons of Iraq, Afghanistan, Guantanamo and secret locations
as yet undisclosed as completely out of keeping with the
character and basic nature of the American people and at odds
with the principles on which America stands.
I believe we have a duty to hold President
Bush accountable - and I believe we will. As Lincoln said at
our time of greatest trial, "We - even we here - hold the
power, and bear the responsibility." |